지방 정부의 가장 기본적인 역할 중 하나는 가족과 기업이 번영할 수 있는 안전한 환경을 보장하는 것입니다. 불행히도, 이 중요한 책임은 우리 주와 지방 자치 단체에 의해 너무 자주 포기되어 가장 도움이 필요할 때 스스로를 버틸 수 있도록 내버려 둡니다.
Since the start of the pandemic, we’ve seen surges in murders and drug overdoses to which our cities have slashed police forces, enabled addicts, and given more criminals than ever chances to repeat offend without consequence. The burden of these decisions has fallen hardest on the working class, who see far higher likelihood of crimes committed against them and far lower chances of seeing justice.
Homeless encampments in our cities and our parks continue to blight on our state. As discussed elsewhere, homelessness is a complicated issue which requires coordination on multiple fronts. What is clear, however, is that we must put the best interests of people first, and no homeless person is ever best served by living in public camps where drugs proliferate and violence abounds, especially violence toward women.
경찰이 자금을 삭감하겠다고 위협하지 않고 효과적이고 책임감 있게 업무를 수행할 수 있도록 권한을 부여합시다. 중독자들이 질병을 치료하는 것이 아니라 치료할 수 있도록 권한을 부여합시다. 커뮤니티가 정당하게 자신의 것을 되찾을 수 있도록 합시다.
In 2021, our legislature restricted law enforcement from pursuing property crime suspects by raising the threshold for pursuit from reasonable suspicion to probable cause.
While reducing harm from pursuits is a worthwhile goal, the blunt manner which the legislature went about it sent a clear signal that there would be very little risk to would-be thieves going forward. Research shows the likelihood of capture matters more than anything else in deterring crime, and this suddenly went out the window in July 2021.
The result has been a sharp and immediate increase in auto theft, gun theft, and many other forms of property crime statewide and in Snohomish County. Statewide auto theft increased 80% from 2021 to 2022, while property and violent crime jumped dramatically in Everett.
This policy must be repealed if criminals are to fear capture once more. There are alternative approaches to pursuit which can be considered, including using drones and other technologies, but pursuit must be a realistic option on the table if we are to ever bring crime rates back to historic averages.
경찰관들은 우리 지역사회를 안전하고 안전하게 유지하기 위해 목숨을 걸고 있습니다. 대다수의 경우 그들의 역할은 사회 복지사 또는 기타 비경찰 직원으로 대체될 수 없으며 사회 복지사는 경찰의 직무를 수행하기를 원하지 않습니다. 대안을 위해 경찰에 자금을 지원하려는 노력은 경험이 적고 자격이 부족한 사람들을 위험에 빠뜨릴 뿐입니다.
저는 모든 직업이 경찰을 포함하여 적절한 감독이 필요하다고 믿습니다. 그러나 경찰관이 되는 데 필요한 엄청난 스트레스와 순간적인 의사 결정을 기억하는 것이 중요합니다. 긴장이 풀리면 옆에서 누군가를 추측하기 쉽습니다. 나는 경찰관에 대한 적격 면제를 종료하거나 공식 절차의 범위 내에서 일하는 경찰관을 처벌하려는 노력을 지지하지 않습니다.
경찰의 사기는 형사 사법 시스템의 다른 사람들, 특히 검사가 법이 요구하는 일을 하지 않기 때문에 크게 떨어졌습니다. 44구의 의원들은 자동차 절도와 같은 많은 상황에서 경찰이 범죄자를 추적하는 것을 금지함으로써 상황을 더욱 악화시켰습니다. 경찰이 적극적으로 일하고 그들이 봉사하는 지역 사회에서 강력한 관계를 구축하기를 원하면 경찰은 자신보다 위에 있는 사람도 뒤에 있다는 것을 알아야 합니다. 우리는 우리의 법을 집행해야 합니다.
워싱턴 경찰에 대한 경찰 안전, 단계적 축소, 정신 건강 및 법률 교육의 대부분은 웨비나 및 기타 온라인 교육을 통해 이루어집니다. 이러한 교육은 일반적으로 경찰관이 근무 중이고 호출에 응답하기 위해 대기하는 동안 발생합니다. 이는 직무를 효과적으로 수행하는 능력을 향상시킬 수 있는 콘텐츠에 집중할 기회가 제공되지 않은 많은 경찰관에게 큰 좌절을 안겨줍니다. 인력 부족과 훈련 시간을 위한 전용 자금 부족으로 인해 장교는 이중 임무를 수행해야 합니다. 내가 경찰에 의미 있는 개혁을 하고 싶다면 우리는 이것을 수정하고 더 많은 대화형 전달 형식을 제공해야 합니다.
Snohomish County Jail is one of only a handful of large correctional settings nationwide which employs a medication-assisted treatment (MAT) program for inmates addicted to heroin and other opioids. Studies suggest MAT programs for inmates significantly reduce subsequent drug use after release, above and beyond other treatment programs. Opioid overdoses in Snohomish County and statewide have soared during COVID, especially due to gang-trafficked synthetic fentanyl, and nowhere is this more prominent than among the homeless and criminal populations. It is imperative that we bring this addiction treatment program to jails and prisons across Washington.
In Seattle and other parts of Washington, desire to help addicts has produced judicial systems where claiming addiction effectively allows criminals to avoid punishment for property and even violent crimes. This has been taken advantage of not only by regular criminals, but also by gangs and cartels trafficking deadly Chinese-made synthetic fentanyl from Mexico who can avoid jail sentences by falsely claiming addiction. This is one reason by opioid overdoses have spiked during COVID– there’s simply more supply available.
We need to be able to separate legitimate addicts from gang members who simply ingest heroin right before a drug test to avoid justice. One way to do this might be to eliminate the incentive to pretend by ensuring that drug use is not an effective legal excuse for property and violent crime. If we build addiction recovery into the standard incarcerative process, such as by bringing MAT programs into jails and prisons, rather than keeping it separate, the incentive to lie is reduced.
Another option might be to expand the types of drug tests used before authorizing release to rehab and drug court over standard incarceration. Hair testing can be used to identify longer-term users of heroin, but hair tests may have higher false negative rates than ideal, meaning we may need a combination of tests to avoid losing legitimate addicts.
Let’s provide every homeless person living on our streets and in our parks with a simple choice: accept housing assistance and abide by its rules, go to in-patient rehabilitation and then to housing, take a bus out of state, or go to prison until you change your mind. No more coddling. No more enabling.
Taxpayers deserve safe streets and parks. Children deserve safe schools and playgrounds. No one should be allowed to steal these from you. Enough is enough.
Prosecutorial discretion is an important right of public attorneys working for cities or counties, but it has come to be abused by some who now decline to prosecute entire classes of crimes they personally disagree with punishing. Discretion was always meant to be allow for case-specific circumstances to be taken into consideration, not as a one-person line-item veto negating the law. Failure to prosecute property crimes in Seattle under Pete Holmes, for example, led police to give up on enforcing many laws entirely.
Addressing abuses of prosecutorial discretion is a complicated task. Some potential options include:
- Prohibiting blanket requirements on subordinate line prosecutors to not prosecute classes of crimes
- Establishing a citizen-initiated review board which automatically files for Writs of Mandamus against non-compliant prosecutors
- Lowering the required number signatures for public prosecutors to face a recall election to fifteen percent of votes cast and explicitly clarifying that failure to prosecute as directed by law constitutes “acts of… misfeasance while in office” as required for recall under the Washington State Constitution
Another example of discretion in our legal system which has been abused for political purposes to great harm is the question of how judges set bail. Too many repeat offenders are released due to relaxed bail or no bail requirements at all, only to commit further crimes again and again.
States and cities which have experimented with eliminating cash bail have seen surges in failures to show up in court and in recidivism. While scaling bail requirements to the defendant’s assets and to the severity of the crime makes sense, eliminating cash bail entirely eliminates the incentive for many defendants to show up in court.
Further, repeat offenders, those charged with violent crimes, those with restraining orders, and those who charged certain other crimes such as arson should be kept behind bars without bail, period. Another option to limit judicial abuse would be mandatory recall elections against judges who see too high of a recidivism rate or no-show rate among those they choose to release without bail.